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Despite amazing coincidences in phonology, Basque has so far contributed little to the understanding of the Iberian texts. This suggests that the similarity in.
Table of contents
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- Basque Phonology, Theoretical Linguistics by Jose Ignacio Hualde | | Booktopia
- A lexical phonology of Basque
- A lexical phonology of Basque - Page 1
Page 3. Page 4. Page 5. Page 6. Page 7. Page 8. Page 9. Page A lexical phonology of Basque. Your comment:. Your Name:. Back to top. Home About Contact us. Select the collections to add or remove from your search. Select All Collections. Allan Hancock Foundation Collection. Andrew J. Architectural Teaching Slide Collection. Asian Maps Collection.
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Groups all non-tonal features in segment. Tonal features. Laryngeal features. Groups all features corresponding to articulations above the larynx. Features that define the point ofarticulation of the segment. These are monovalent features. Features such as [back], [high] and [low] are situated under the [dorsal] node. The feature [round] depends on [labial] and other features may hang on [coronal]. Segments are associated to skeletal slots X in diagram below that correspond to time units. For instance, Sagey assumes that there is a soft palate node which dominates only the feature [nasal].
In Hualde c , I also argued for separating the feature [nasal] from other manner features to account for the 'stability effects' that this feature often displays. For the processes examined here, however, the particular location of the feature [nasal] will be of no relevance. Introduction 5 1. Following Archangeli and Pulleyblank , Archangeli , I adopt a formulation of rules in terms of conditions and parameters cf.
The formulation of a rule must contain the following information: a Type of operation. Four operations are recognized: spread, delink, insert and delete. A rule may affect one feature or more than one feature; but in this second case, the group of features affected will correspond to a node in the hierarchy. That is, a spreading rule R may produce the effect of spreading features F and G only if there is a node N that dominates F and G and only these features.
The generalization is thus that a phonological rule will affect only one feature or node. This is the element feature or node that is spread, delinked, inserted or deleted. We must indicate if spreading takes place from right to left or from left to right. These define the set of segments that undergo the rule.
These define the environment of the rule. Rules may also contain conditions that must be satisfied by both trigger and target; for instance, that they share structure or features. The parametric expression of rules has the advantage over their 'graphic' expression that only those elements that are crucial for the rule are mentioned. Graphic representations, on the other hand, will often include hierarchical structure that is not made use of by the rule in question but that, for instance, intervenes between relevant nodes cf.
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Archangeli and Pulleyblank I will assume that every segment is in principle specified for all features, except for redundant or meaningless features Steriade For instance, the feature [apical] or [distributed], cf. Clements a only plays a role in Basque to distinguish different sibilants from each other. I will assume that nonsibilants do not bear a value for this feature. When a feature value is always determined by the environment in such a way that it would be arbitrary to assign one value or another to the underlying segment, I will assume that that value is left unspecified in the underlying representations.
The value for the feature continuant will be left unspecified in the underlying representations of these segments. To give another example, the place features of morpheme-internal nasals in a coda will be left unspecified underlyingly, since the surface specification will necessarily be obtained by spreading from the following consonant a nasal always agrees in point of articulation with a following consonant ; e. In particular, I will not adopt a radical or maximalistic view of underspecification as expressed in Archangeli , , Archangeli and Pulleyblank , Abaglo and Archangeli , Pulleyblank b among others.
Pulleyblank b argues that in a vocalic system there could be an unmarked vowel which will completely lack underlying feature specifications. This vowel would be [i] in Yoruba, according to Pulleyblank, and could be a different vowel in other languages. The same point is made in Abaglo and Archangeli, where the identification of the unmarked vowel with a featureless slot is presented as an advantage of the Theory of Radical Underspecification cf.
In Basque, the unmarked vowel is [e].
Basque Phonology, Theoretical Linguistics by Jose Ignacio Hualde | | Booktopia
This is, for instance, the vowel that is consistently epenthesized when otherwise illicit consonant sequences would arise by morpheme-concatenation; e. But, crucially, this vowel or any other vowel cannot be represented as lacking all features. The empty vocalic slot of this morpheme receives its features by spreading from the final vowel of the base; e.
Hualde for more details. The prediction would be that genitive indefinite and plural forms would be identical in all cases; which, as the examples given show, is not the case. Introduction 7 Contrary to the assumptions of radical underspecification, I will assume that none of the five vowels of Basque is completely unspecified in general. This does not preclude that one of the five vowels, [e], may behave as the unmarked vowel. Some particular morphemes may contain vowels which are empty of vocalic feature specifications. This will be in cases, like the one just examined, where surface values are provided by rule.
Archangeli and Pulleyblank , Hayes , Odden , Steriade for the definition of locality conditions within the Hierarchical Model. Now, by adjacent I mean that no element that is relevant for a particular process intervenes between trigger and target. Irrelevant elements in a rule of feature spreading are segments that cannot bear the feature in question contrastively.
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A rule spreading a feature will be local if it does not skip any segments that could bear the feature that is spread by the rule cf. Hayes Several processes studied in this book seem to violate locality.
I will claim that in every case locality is respected once we look at the process more closely. Consonants but not vowels may intervene between trigger and target. This is still a local process, under the assumption that segments that cannot bear a specification for a given feature cannot block the spreading of this feature across them.
A lexical phonology of Basque
This rule of Low Vowel Assimilation spreads the feature [ — low]. Consonants cannot bear a value for the feature [low] in Basque. The prediction is that they will be skipped in searching for an adjacent target in the spreading of this feature. No vowels can intervene between trigger and target, on the other hand, since vowels can bear the feature [low].
Let us consider another case. In chapter 5, it is shown that all sibilants i. This means that the value for the feature [apical] of all sibilants in a morpheme, except for one, can be left unspecified. Unspecified sibilants will receive their feature value by spreading from the sibilant bearing the specification for the morpheme. Nonsibilants will not block the spreading because they cannot bear this feature contrastively i. The issue of locality is also raised with respect to the behaviour of affricates cf. The rule might seem to have a nonlocal application in this second case, since it operates across the continuant branch of the affricate.
This problem disappears under the assumption that the articulations of affricates are underlyingly unordered. The ordering of articulations, which is predictable first occlusion, then fricative release , can be considered a surface phenomenon. The purpose is to offer some necessary background for a better understanding of the operations of the phonological processes studied in this book. Vizcaya, B. Bizkaia , Guipuscoa Sp. Gipuzkoa and Alava B. Araba , as well as in parts of Navarre Sp. Navarra, B. In France, the Basque-speaking area corresponds to about half of the Departement des Pyrenees Atlantiques, comprising the historical regions of Labourd B.
The other half of the Departement is occupied by the traditionally Gascon-speaking region of Beam. All in all, approximately , people speak Basque. The vast majority of Basque speakers are bilingual in Spanish or French. Since Basque is a language of considerable dialectal diversity, the division of the Basque-speaking area in geographical dialects and subdialects has been a traditional concern of researchers on the Basque language cf.
Bonaparte ; , Azkue , Yrizar , Etxebarria , Txillardegi , among many others. Prince Bonaparte's classification of dialects, subdialects and varieties has been Introduction 9 the basis of most later work on Basque dialectology. A quite widely accepted classification of main dialects is that proposed by Azkue , which modifies Bonaparte's.
The following dialects are distinguished in Azkue's classification: Biscayan, Guipuscoan, Labourdin, High Navarrese, Low Navarrese, Souletin and Roncalese, this last a dead dialect nowadays. The fact is that virtually every town or village speaks its own variety. It is equally true, however, that there are phonological processes that are found in all Basque dialects or throughout large areas of the Basque speaking domain. The comparative study of Basque dialects thus lends itself extremely well to testing the different ways in which a given phonological rule may interact with other rules of the phonology and with the morphology of different linguistic systems.
At different historical points, written koines based on the dialects of some particular area have emerged. Some of them, such as Literary Navarro-Labourdin on which Lafitte's Grammaire Basque is based , and Literary Biscayan, still enjoy a certain popularity and may be occasionally used as oral languages in preaching, etc. A much more powerful influence on dialectal diversity is being exerted by the recently encoded Standard Basque or Euskara Batua. This variety is not only used in the vast majority of all written production in Basque, but also is used virtually exclusively in all education in Basque language and in the media.
There is thus nowadays a sizeable group of fluent speakers of Standard Basque. Whereas some Basque-educated speakers will keep the standard variety and their native code as two different languages used on separate occasions, and will allow little mixing of the two, some other speakers, especially of varieties morphologically very close to the standard, will show different degrees of mixing. In this book, Standard Basque will be used in the description and analysis of those phonological processes that are reflected in the orthography such as the processes involved in Stem Alternation; see chapter 3 or that are otherwise general to the language such as Nasal and Lateral Assimilation; see chapter 5.
There are other rules that are instantiated in different ways in different dialects. Some processes appear to have different phonological conditions in different dialects; in some cases, the order of phonological rules varies across dialects; the domain of application of a given rule can also vary among dialects. For the study of rules presenting such differences in application across dialects, such as Low Vowel Assimilation see chapter 2 or Palatalization see chapters 2 and 4 , a number of what I believe to be representative local varieties have been selected.
In each case, I discuss the theoretical interest of dialectal differences in rule application. In chapter 2, inventories are also given for the four dialects studied there for detailed inventories of a number of Basque dialects, see also Moutard a; b; The distinction between these two articulations is not made in any of the dialects spoken in Biscay and has also been lost in parts of Guipuscoa.
These orthographic correspondences, which may seem peculiar, are actually in accordance with the orthographic traditions of neighbouring Romance languages. The allophonic distribution will be studied in chapter 4. The Introduction 11 status and precise phonetic realizations of this sound vary a great deal across dialects. Orthographic j , on the other hand, represents very different sounds in different dialects.
Michelena , Hualde b for the historical origin of this diversity. Elsewhere the distinction is neutralized. In the spelling, the double grapheme rr indicates the trill [F] between vowels; r is a flap [r] intervocalically. The grapheme h, which is used in the standard language following the usage in the northern dialects, is a silent character for most speakers. In other dialects, the voiceless labiodental fricative is found mainly in borrowings, but also in some native items, where it may alternate with [p], such as afari, apari 'dinner', alfer, alper 'lazy', [f] may also occur for French [v]:fite Fr.
Some dialects possess contrastively long vowels. In general, there are no underlying glides. In eastern dialects e. Baztan , underlying or derived high vowels also glide before another vowel; e. In western dialects, high vowels do not lose their syllabicity before another vowel: [nevu.
Assimilated borrowings from Spanish with initial [F] orthographic r- in the lender language undergo epenthesis, generally of [e-], although there is some variation, e. The affricates ts and tz are rare word-initially in all dialects. In these western dialects, word-initial x has been preserved only in diminutives e.
Only in Souletin do both x and tx occur freely in word-initial position. There is a number of other facts, reviewed in chapter 5, that indicate that affricates are indeed single segments and not mere sequences. The absence of the affricates from initial position does not, then, Introduction 13 necessarily imply that they are sequences; but, rather, that they have a complex structure. Dialects differ on whether the palatals [X], [n], [c] do or do not occur word-finally. When they occur, they are the result of a palatalization rule see chapter 4 , e. The voiceless palatal stop [c] may also occur in affective or onomatopoeic words; e.
As mentioned before, there is syllable-final neutralization of the two rhotics. The stem-final position is, none the less, one of potential contrast for the rothics, since the vowel of a suffix may follow, thus placing the rhotic in the contrastive intervocalic environment. The vast majority of items with a stem-final rhotic have a phonological trill, which shows up before a vowel, e.
There are probably less than ten items with an underlyingly final flap in the standard dialect, and fewer in most dialects. In this position there is no contrast between voiced and voiceless segments. The other velar and labial consonants are totally excluded from the word-final position. Even these groups seem to have been disallowed in earlier stages of the language and are still relatively rare. This group is disallowed in some dialects. In many dialects, including the standard, the distinction between fricatives and affricates is neutralized after a sonorant consonant.
This is why the examples of sonorant plus fricative clusters in 5 are not word-final; Introduction 15 a following consonant is necessary for the group sonorant-fricative to appear in a coda. The process of fricativization of affricates before a stop will be studied in chapter 5, section 5.
The neutralization of fricatives and affricates after a sonorant is independent of syllabification. It is also found in heterosyllabic groups, as in the following examples, which show affrication of fricatives after a sonorant in borrowings, where the syllable boundary occurs between the sonorant and the affricate: bertso 'verse', trantsitibo 'transitive', zientzia 'science'.
Quite a few processes apply within a morpheme and also between stem and inflectional suffix, but not between the stem and a derivational suffix or across the members of a compound. Different types of compounding also trigger the application of different phonological rules. Before studying the phonological processes of Basque we must thus give some notion of its morphology. In subsection 1. The inflectional morphology, which is phrasal in its scope, is presented in subsection 1. Cliticization is studied in 1. Finally, the section on morphology is completed with an overview of the morphology of verbal forms.
Lafitte , Villasante , Mujika ; b , Euskaltzaindia The Basque language possesses a large number of derivational suffixes, many of them borrowed from Romance. A few of them will appear in examples in the next sections. Prefixes, on the other hand, are rare. The difference between composition and derivation is that, in composition, both elements in the word can also be used as free-standing words. Three important types of composition are co-compounding dvandva i. For treatments of composition in Basque, see Euskaltzaindia , Mujika b. As indicated above, the most intimate case of morpheme-concatenation, with respect to the phonology, takes place in the inflectional morphology.
In Basque, inflection is phrasal in its scope: only the leftmost constituent in the noun phrase is inflected. In the next subsection the inflectional morphology of Basque is presented in connection with the structure of the noun phrase. The determiner position can be occupied by demonstratives, as in 6a , the definite article 6b , the numeral bat 'one' which also functions as an indefinite article plural batzu k 'some' 6c and some quantifiers.
In Biscayan dialects the numeral bi 'two' also occupies the determiner position. All other numerals 6d , some quantifiers 6e , usually possessives 6f , beste 'other' and the adjectival specifier oso 'very' 6g appear in prenominal position. With some quantifiers there is dialectal variation in their placement 6h.
There are syntactic reasons for this convention. The definite article behaves like a suffix, in most dialects, in that it cannot appear by itself. Other determiners, on the other hand, can be the only members of their NPs. Case markers occupy otherwise the rightmost position within the Noun Phrase. Unlike languages such as Latin or German, case is marked only once in the Noun Phrase, as shown in 9 : 9 liburu-a-ri book-sg-dat liburu berri-a-ri Iiburu berri hor-ri 'to the book' 'to the new book' 'to that new book' Also unlike those languages, nouns do not belong to different declensions.
There is only one set of case suffixes, and surface differences in the phonological shape that a stem will take when marked for a given case are always predictable from purely phonological considerations, with the exception of the demonstratives, where there is a certain amount of suppletion. The complete set of declensional forms is shown in 10 for the noun mendi 'mountain' in the standard language adapted from Kintana et al.
Declensional tables for the Gernika dialect are given in the addenda. I separate the stem from the inflectional suffixes by a hyphen: 10 absolutive ergative dative genitive comitative benefaclive motivative instrumental partitive prolative indefinite mendi mendi-k mendi-ri mendi-ren mendi-rekin mendi-rentzat mendi-rengatik mendi-z mendi-rik mendi-tzal singular mendi-a mendi-ak mendi-ari mendi-aren mendi-arekin mendi-arenlzal mendi-arengatik mendi-az plural mendi-ak mendi-ek mendi-ei mendi-en mendi-ekin mendi-en tzat mendi-engalik mendi-ez Locative cases inesive ablative adlative direct-adl goal-adl genitive mendi-tan mendi-tatik mendi-tara mendi-tarantz mendi-taraino mendi-tako mendi-an mendi-tik mendi- ra mendi-rantz mendi-raino mendi-ko mendi-etan mendi-etatik mendi-etara mendi-etarantz mendi-etaraino mendi-etako There is a clear morphological distinction between nonlocative and locative cases because of the way number and case are encoded.
In nonlocative cases, comparison of indefinite and singular forms shows that in the singular an a the singular definite article intervenes between the stem and case markers which are identical to those that appear in the indefinite. The plural case morphology is more complex to segment Introduction 19 between number and case markers.
In the absolutive, which bears no mark for case, a plural -ak appears. In all other cases the plural marker is -e-. In a number of cases dative, genitive, comitative, and cases based on the genitive , an -r- which is present in the indefinite and singular is absent in the plural. In locative cases, absence of a number mark signals the singular, whereas the indefinite bears -ta- and the plural -eta-.
Both nonlocative and locative genitive suffixes can be followed by other case markers, e. The genitive-locative ko can also be added to other locative markers, e. In many dialects, especially Guipuscoan and Biscayan, number and case markers are fused to a greater degree than in Standard Basque. In these dialects, however, singular and plural forms often show different suprasegmental tonal patterns, as in the Gernika examples in 11 cf.
Even though, as mentioned, inflectional suffixes are phrasal in scope, there are important differences between clitics and inflectional suffixes. One difference has already been mentioned; namely, that clitics can also occur as independent words without any supporting elements to their left, whereas suffixes must always be attached to some other item. A second property of clitics is that they need not bear any close syntactic relation to their host.
Thus, the copula da 'is' and the conjunction e ta 'and' may cliticize to a preceding noun, even though the resulting phonological unit will not be a syntactic constituent. Inflectional suffixes, on the other hand, do form a syntactic unit with elements to their left; namely, a noun phrase. Finally, phonological processes that apply at word-boundaries do not see word-internal suffix-boundaries, but are sensitive to clitic-boundaries.
One such process is the rule of Low Vowel Assimilation in the Ondarroa dialect, discussed in chapter 2, section 2. For this rule, the target must be adjacent to a word-boundary. To define this context, clitics are ignored; although a low vowel in a clitic can also undergo the rule, since 20 Basque Phonology word and clitic also create a larger phonological word.
This rule shows that in a clitic group two word-domains are defined. Host and clitic constitute a phonological word; but the host without the clitic is also a phonological word. Another process that distinguishes between suffixes and clitics is the linking of lexical tones with therightmostsyllable in the word-domain in dialects such as Lekeitio and Ondarroa cf. For the association of these tones, clitics are not taken into account. Clitics and inflectional suffixes are thus different entities.
Thus, whereas elements such as the copula da or the conjunction eta are undoubtedly clitics and not suffixes, in the case of other elements, such as the demonstratives and the numeral bat 'one', which we will also consider clitics, the facts are less clear. Nowadays, only a handful of verbs possess synthetic forms, and then only for a few tenses. These auxiliaries can also be used as main verbs with the meanings of 'to be' intransitive or 'to have' transitive.
In eastern dialects Souletin , a suffix - r en which bears formal resemblance with the nonlocative genitive marker is used instead. In some Navarrese dialects -ko is used with most verbs, but those ending in -n take -en. The Standard dialect allows both possibilities for -n verbs. The future suffix is always added to perfective forms.
Hualde and Ortiz de Urbina , but inflected forms in negative clauses are preposed together with the negative particle ez e. Most complementizers appear attached to the inflected verbal form as suffixes e. A few complementizers ba 'if, bait 'since' , however, appear right before the inflected verbal form, and their status as prefixes or clitics is not uncontroversial.
We are now ready to study the ways in which the phonological system of Basque interacts with the morphology of the language, which will be done in the next chapters. A considerable number of rules apply between stem and inflectional affix but fail to apply between the members of a compound. Thus, in compound structures of the type [stem-stem-inflection], the first domains for the application of phonological rules are [[stem] [steminflection]].
In general, this same group of rules applies morphemeinternally, although some rules may be restricted to applying only in derived environments. In this all dialects agree. Dialects differ, on the other hand, in the treatment of derivationally created words.
A lexical phonology of Basque - Page 1
Derivational suffixes may be treated as the second member of a compound or in the same manner as inflectional suffixes, or a distinction may be established between different derivational suffixes, depending on the dialect. This permits a partition of the morphophonology into two strata. Stratum I would contain inflectional operations and Stratum II, compounding. The attachment of derivational suffixes would be assigned to one or the other stratum, depending on the dialect. The processes studied in this chapter are mostly rules affecting vowel sequences. The chapter is organized around a rule of Low Vowel Assimilation whose interaction with the morphology and with other phonological rules is particularly clear.
A number of other rules that interact with Low Vowel Assimilation and that are also sensitive to morphological information are also studied. Four dialects are examined in some detail: two High Navarrese dialects, those of Baztan and Arbizu, and two Biscayan dialects, those of Ondarroa and Gernika. The structure of the lexicon 23 No evidence is found for cyclic application of rules in any dialect.
On the contrary, there is evidence that some lexical rules must apply in a noncyclic manner. The issue of whether separate strata need to be postulated or, on the contrary, morphological and phonological processes are interspersed and ordered without stratal divisions is discussed.
Some evidence is presented in favour of a stratal organization of the lexicon. A low vowel rises to mid under the influence of a preceding high vowel. In this way the distance between both vowels is reduced. In the concept of vowel we must here include glides, since glides will also trigger the process. Glides are never underlyingly distinct from vowels and can be assumed to be created by a later rule. Four dialects will be studied in detail. First, the application of the rule in the Baztan dialect, in Navarre, will be examined. This is a rather typical dialect with respect to the morphological domain of application of Low Vowel Assimilation.
Then three other dialects which, in addition to the rule of Low Vowel Assimilation, have other processes which refer to the organization of the lexicon in a similar manner will be studied. The varieties examined, besides that of Baztan, will be that of Arbizu in Navarre and those of Ondarroa and Gernika in Biscay. In the varieties of Arbizu and Ondarroa, the rule of Low Vowel Assimilation presents interesting restrictions with respect to Baztan which bear directly on the ordering of phonological and morphological operations.
Glides are not underlying segments at least for the most part, see below. Surface glides may result from underlying high and mid vowels in contact with other vowels, either preceding or following; e. However, it is not totally clear that we can eliminate this sound from the phonemic inventory, since it appears also in words that do not seem to have a non-affective form such as ttar [car] 'small'. The status of the sonorant palatals [n], [X] is even more controversial, given a rule of Palatalization affecting the coronal nasal and lateral. This issue is discussed in section 4. The position of the velar voiceless fricative [x] is marginal in the system of the dialect.
This sound is found in borrowings from Spanish and in very few other words Salaburu a: ; N'Diaye We will now proceed to study the morphological restrictions on the rule of Low Vowel Assimilation in this dialect. This can be observed by comparing Baztan items with the corresponding words in other Basque dialects that have not undergone this process. To show the effects of this phonological process, Baztan examples are given in 5 together with their cognates in Standard Basque. The Baztan data are mainly from N'Diaye and Salaburu b.
As the examples show, both [a] and [e] occur in Standard Basque after a high vowel in a lexical item examples in 5a and 5b respectively , but the distinction between [a] and [e] has been neutralized in this position in favour of [e] in Baztan: 5 a Standard fabrika muga ikaratu irabazi belaunikatu Baztan fabrike muge ikeratu idebazi belaunikelu 'factory' 'limit' 'frighten' 'to earn, win' 'to kneel' 26 Basque Phonology ikatz kirats ikasi izan bihar usain hura urlarril bataiatu urte izen izerdi bide iketz kirets ikesi izen bier usein ure urterril bataielu urte izen izerdi bide 'coal' 'stench' 'to learn' 'lobe' 'tomorrow' 'smell' 'that' 'January' 'to baptize' 'year' 'name' 'sweat' 'path' The rule of Low Vowel Assimilation, whose effects in Baztan Basque are illustrated in 5 , constitutes more than a purely diachronical process which has brought about a neutralization of a contrast in a few lexical entries.
In fact, the sound change illustrated in 5 has given rise to a very active rule in the phonology of the Baztan dialect manifested in a great number of alternations. This is because this process of vowel assimilation applies beyond the boundaries of the morpheme in a number of morphological contexts. A first, larger, group of derivational suffixes The structure of the lexicon 27 with a low vowel in their first syllable do undergo assimilation when attached to a root with a high vowel in its last syllable. Examples are given in 7.
In N'Diaye's texts, along with the assimilated izigerri 'frightening' wefindthe non-assimilated arrigarri 'surprising'. We thus find in N'Diaye's corpus examples such asjakintesun 'knowledge' and burutesun 'thoughtfulness'. But samurtasun 'softness' does not show assimilation, and both arintasun and arintesun 'speed' are found. Verbal suffixes generally undergo assimilation. Thefirstone perhaps is to be treated as a clitic. Here, the situation is not uniform. The comparison with forms of other dialects shows us that Low Vowel Assimilation has applied in certain cases; e.
There are also certain alternations within the dialect that show the application of the rule. As we mentioned in chapter 1, only a few verbs have conjugated forms. In Baztan, in addition to the transitive and intransitive auxiliaries, there are only about seven other verbs that have synthetic forms for some tenses. Given the lack of productivity of the system and the high number of irregularities, it is clear that each form that exists must be listed in the lexicon.
The forms that present the context for Low Vowel Assimilation, but, nevertheless, do not undergo the rule, have just one more irregularity that must be lexically marked. Examples are given in 12 : 12 buru eu esku aundi eu mendi bet egun betzuk erri betean 'this head' 'this big hand' 'one mountain' 'some days' 'in one village' cf. When they appear to the right of another word in the Noun Phrase, however, they show the behaviour of phonological clitics. Determiners act as clitics also with respect to other rules. As shown in 12 , the assimilation of the vowel of the determiner is independent of whether the triggering word is a noun such as buru 'head' or an adjective such as aundi 'big'.
Assimilation across words within the Noun Phrase is thus limited to cliticization. Certain auxiliary verbs also undergo assimilation. Among them are the intransitive present indicative forms da 3 sg , gara 1 pi and zara 2 sg formal and the transitive imperative zazu 2 sg formal : 13 torri de gain de torri gera 'he has come' 'he will go' 'we have come' cf. They can be separated from the main verb by a modal as in 14a and they are preposed to the main verb in negative clauses, as in 14b : 14 a b torri omen da ez da torri 'he has apparently arrived' 'he has not arrived' The auxiliaries can also be used as main verbs in the clause.